Fan Power Without Shares: How Membership Schemes Can Challenge Football PLCs

When football supporters talk about “fan ownership,” the conversation often turns to co-operatives, community benefit societies, and clubs like AFC Wimbledon, Exeter City, or Hearts where fans collectively hold the reins. But what happens when a club is a public limited company (PLC) or tightly held by private investors? Do supporters have to accept their status as passive customers, or can they organise in meaningful ways even without shares?

Across Europe, and particularly in England, supporters have built membership-based organisations that do not own their clubs, but nevertheless exert real influence over governance, culture, and even the boardroom agenda. These groups provide useful inspiration for Celtic fans considering a professional, subscription-based membership scheme designed to challenge or complement the club’s PLC structure.

At its core, such a scheme is about organisation and legitimacy. By pooling supporters into a democratic membership body — one member, one vote — fans can elect representatives, hire staff, coordinate campaigns, and speak with a mandate that a loose collection of individuals never could. The goal isn’t necessarily to acquire shares, though that can happen. The goal is to be heard.

With regular income from monthly subscriptions, a membership organisation can fund communications, legal advice, and full-time staff. Members’ skills and contacts can be harnessed for campaigns, fundraising, or technical expertise. And crucially, a formal constitution binds the group to democratic principles, preventing it from being hijacked by a small clique.

Perhaps the best-known example is the Manchester United Supporters’ Trust (MUST). Born out of the 1990s “Shareholders United” campaign, MUST evolved into a membership trust after the Glazer takeover. Today it has tens of thousands of members, each with an equal vote.

MUST does not own Manchester United. Yet it has kept fan ownership on the agenda for 20 years, lobbying government, mobilising against leveraged buyouts, and even exploring ways to buy shares collectively when United was listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Its power comes not from equity, but from its ability to speak credibly as a democratic voice of supporters.

London offers two more examples. The Arsenal Supporters’ Trust (AST) is formally registered as a Community Benefit Society. It holds only a handful of Arsenal shares, not enough to sway decisions, but its elected board and hundreds of paying members allow it to scrutinise the club’s finances, publish independent analysis, and lobby for transparency. The AST has been a thorn in the side of majority owner Stan Kroenke, pressing for dialogue and accountability.

Similarly, the Tottenham Hotspur Supporters’ Trust (THST) functions as an independent, democratic body. It cannot dictate policy to ENIC, or until today, Daniel Levy, but it negotiates on ticket prices, stadium operations, and governance. When Spurs joined the failed European Super League project in 2021, THST’s mobilised opposition was one reason the club had to back down swiftly.

At Liverpool, Spirit of Shankly (SoS) shows how a membership scheme can emerge as a protest movement. Formed in 2008 during the unpopular Hicks and Gillett ownership, SoS became a democratic “union” for fans. It organised demonstrations, boycotts, and lobbying that ultimately helped force a change of ownership.

Even after Fenway Sports Group took over, SoS continued as an organised voice. In 2021, after the European Super League debacle, the group negotiated a formal recognition agreement with Liverpool FC. This gave fans a structured say on key issues — a landmark for English football.

Despite different contexts, these supporter organisations share certain DNA. Democracy: One member, one vote. Leadership is elected and accountable.

Independence: They are structurally separate from the club, protecting their ability to criticise.

Professionalism: Subscription income funds staff, research, and campaigning capacity.

Mandate: With thousands of members, they can credibly claim to speak for a large part of the fanbase.

Leverage: Their power lies in legitimacy, media pressure, political lobbying, and the ability to organise protests or boycotts — not in formal ownership.

Celtic is unusual – a club with global reach, listed on the stock exchange, and owned by a mix of major shareholders and small investors. For ordinary supporters, buying enough equity to influence decisions is prohibitively expensive. But a membership organisation, independent of the PLC, could still wield real influence.

Imagine a “Celtic Supporters’ Membership, or Union” funded by thousands of fans paying modest monthly subs. With that income it could employ staff, coordinate campaigns, and represent the membership in negotiations. It could commission independent financial analysis, lobby politicians on football reform, or mobilise protests against governance decisions. Its legitimacy would come from open membership and democratic elections — not from a handful of wealthy shareholders.

Crucially, this body would not need the club’s permission to exist. It would be entirely independent, drawing its authority from its members. Over time, it could also acquire symbolic assets — a small stake in the PLC, or share in cultural matters — but that would be the icing, not the cake.

Of course, there are limits. A supporters’ membership scheme without ownership cannot directly veto board decisions. If the PLC leadership is determined to act, it can. But history shows that pressure works. The backlash against the European Super League was fuelled by organised fan groups. Owners who dismiss a mass, democratic supporters’ organisation risk reputational damage, political scrutiny, and commercial consequences.

And opportunities exist, too. A Celtic membership scheme could open dialogue with the board, act as a counterweight to major shareholders, and give voice to the global fanbase. It could also play a positive role, funding community projects or supporting the women’s team, demonstrating that supporter power is not just about opposition but about building the club’s future.

Fan membership schemes are not just for fan-owned clubs. From Manchester to North London, from Anfield to countless continental examples, they have become vehicles for influence, accountability, and protest at clubs where ownership is out of reach.

For Celtic supporters, the lesson is – you don’t need shares to matter. What you need is organisation, democracy, and persistence.

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